The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust that if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along that the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.”, “The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.”, “Before mass leaders seize the power to fit reality to their lies, their propaganda is marked by its extreme contempt for facts as such, for in their opinion fact depends entirely on the power of man who can fabricate it.”, “Caution in handling generally accepted opinions that claim to explain whole trends of history is especially important for the historian of modern times, because the last century has produced an abundance of ideologies that pretend to be keys to history but are actually nothing but desperate efforts to escape responsibility.”, “One of the greatest advantages of the totalitarian elites of the twenties and thirties was to turn any statement of fact into a question of motive.”, “There is hardly a better way to avoid discussion than by releasing an argument from the control of the present and by saying that only the future will reveal its merits.”, “True goal of totalitarian propaganda is not persuasion, but organization of the polity. Moreover, he finds further fault with how normative Arendt's conception of revolution is, describing its basis as "explicit old-fashioned philosophical idealism". When she speaks of human existence bound to political action and participation, she often limits it to the ‘civilized world,’ which has to be distinguished [16.Hannah, Arendt, Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft. [15] Nazi Germany would later exploit this antisemitism, and targeted the Jewry which was construed, among other things, as a proxy for the nation-state. [18], Le Monde placed the book among the 100 best books of any kind of the 20th century, while the National Review ranked it #15 on its list of the 100 best non-fiction books of the century. ), bila je njemačka filozofkinja.. Životopis. Few ideologies have won enough prominence to survive the hard competitive struggle of persuasion, and only two have come out on top and essentially defeated all others: the ideology which interprets history as an economic struggle of classes, and the other that interprets history as a natural fight of races. Antisemitismus, Imperialismus, totale Herrschaft. [10][8] A key concept arising from this book, was the application of Kant's phrase "Radical Evil",[11] which she applied to the men who created and carried out such tyranny and their depiction of their victims as "Superfluous People". This was the case in Nazi Germany when full terror was directed against Jews, i.e., against people with certain common characteristics which were independent of their specific behavior. [19] The Intercollegiate Studies Institute listed it among the 50 best non-fiction books of the century. 12, § 3. Totalitarian movements are fundamentally different from autocratic regimes, says Arendt, insofar as autocratic regimes seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition, while totalitarian regimes seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination. (1990) Ingo Kieslich (Ph.D, Coordinator, Hannah Arendt — Complete Works. A second, enlarged edition was published in 1958, and contained two additional chapters, replacing her original "Concluding Remarks". Total domination does not allow for free initiative in any field of life, for any activity that is not entirely predictable. The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) Kontext: The totalitarian attempt at global conquest and total domination has been the destructive way out of all impasses. In libraries world-wide (WorldCat) In German libraries (KVK) I need help Hannah Arendt: The Origins of Totalitarianism, Hartcourt Brace Jovanovich: New York 1951, 477 S. (dt. [note 1] A German translation was published in 1955 as Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft ("Elements and Origins of Totalitarian Rule"). Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft, Europäische Verlagsanstalt: Frankfurt 1955, 782 S.) Authors; Authors and affiliations; Lars Rensmann; Chapter. The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) This perversion of equality from a political into a social concept is all the more dangerous when a society leaves but little space for special groups and individuals, for then their differences become all the more conspicuous.”, “For an ideology differs from a simple opinion in that it claims to possess either the key to history, or the solution for all the "riddles of the universe," or the intimate knowledge of the hidden universal laws which are supposed to rule nature and man. Arendt, Hannah 1955: Elemente und Ursprünge Totaler Herrschaft, Frankfurt, pp. This capital required overseas investments outside of Europe to be productive and political control had to be expanded overseas to protect the investments. [citation needed], Historian Emmanuelle Saada disputes Arendt's work and in general scholarly consensus, that the rise of scientific racism directly correlates with the rise of colonialist imperialism. Hannah Arendt - der Banalität des Eichmann in Jerusalem: Ihr Denken veränderte. — Hannah Arendt, buch Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft Quelle: The Origins of Totalitarianism „A mixture of gullibility and cynicism had been an outstanding characteristic of mob mentality before it became an everyday phenomenon of masses. Russian practice, on the other hand, is even more "advanced" than the German in one respect: arbitrariness of terror is not even limited by racial differentiation, while the old class categories have long since been discarded, so that anybody in Russia may suddenly become a victim of the police terror. - New York, 4. prosinca 1975. ‪Stanford, Princeton, Yale, University of Chicago, etc.‬ - ‪‪Cited by 293,629‬‬ - ‪political theory‬ - ‪philosophy‬ - ‪political philosophy‬ On the one hand, the Bolshevik system, unlike the Nazis, never admitted theoretically that it could practice terror against innocent people, and though in view of certain practices this may look like hypocrisy, it makes quite a difference. Such a man was Zola!”, “the last century has produced an abundance of ideologies that pretend to be keys to history but are actually nothing but desperate efforts to escape responsibility.”, “Imperialism was born when the ruling class in capitalist production came up against national limitations to its economic expansion. Zitate hannah arendt - Der absolute Vergleichssieger unseres Teams. “The point is that both Hitler and Stalin held out promises of stability in order to hide their intention … Refresh and try again. [2] Chapter Thirteen was titled "Ideology and Terror: A novel form of government", which she had published separately in 1953. Welcome back. Biography []. [14] The European Jewry's association with the nation-state meant that their destinies were to an extent tied. 752. Hannah Arendt und das Problem des Urteilens’, in C. Kupke et al. [20] The book made a major impact on Norman Podhoretz, who compared the pleasure of reading it to that of reading a great poem or novel. Bibliography. The breeding ground for Syria’s totalitarian mentality begins with the “weaponisation of group identities”, which has become an inherent part of political identity under Assad’s rule. [citation needed]. Odrasta u socijaldemokratskoj asimiliranoj židovskoj obitelji u Königsbergu.Od 1924. do 1929. studira filozofiju, teologiju i grčki jezik kod Martina Heideggera i Rudolfa Butmanna u Marburgu, kod Edmunda Husserla u Freiburgu i kod Karla Jaspersa u Heidelbergu. 20. Imperialismus. Hannah Arendt verfasste Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft unter dem Eindruck der alles umwälzenden Erfahrung des Zweiten Weltkriegs, des Holocaust und des noch andauernden Stalinismus. In 1924, after having completed her high school studies, she went to Marburg University to study with Martin Heidegger.The encounter with Heidegger, with whom she had a brief but intense love-affair, had a lasting influence on her thought. [24], Such scholars as Jürgen Habermas supported Arendt in her 20th century criticism of totalitarian readings of Marxism. November 1989; Top van Malta (1989) Who is Mikhail Gorbachev? Coming from the class-ridden society of the nation-state, whose cracks had been cemented with nationalistic sentiment, it is only natural that these masses, in the first helplessness of their new experience, have tended toward an especially violent nationalism, to which mass leaders have yielded against their own instincts and purposes for purely demagogic reasons.”, “Factuality itself depends for its continued existence upon the existence of the nontotalitarian world.”, “What proved so attractive was that terrorism had become a kind of philosophy through which to express frustration, resentment, and blind hatred, a kind of political expressionism which used bombs to express oneself, which watched delightedly the publicity given to resounding deeds and was absolutely willing to pay the price of life for having succeeded in forcing the recognition of one’s existence on the normal strata of society.”, “The most striking difference between ancient and modern sophists is that the ancients were satisfied with a passing victory of the argument at the expense of truth, whereas the moderns want a more lasting victory at the expense of reality”, “A fundamental difference between modern dictatorships and all other tyrannies of the past is that terror is no longer used as a means to exterminate and frighten opponents, but as an instrument to rule masses of people who are perfectly obedient. The chief characteristic of the mass man is not brutality and backwardness, but his isolation and lack of normal social relationships. Whenever equality becomes a mundane fact in itself, without any gauge by which it may be measured or explained, then there is one chance in a hundred that it will be recognized simply as a working principle of a political organization in which otherwise unequal people have equal rights; there are ninety-nine chances that it will be mistaken for an innate quality of every individual, who is “normal” if he is like everybody else and “abnormal” if he happens to be different. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. As Arendt observed, "modern anti semitism grew in proportion as traditional nationalism declined, and reached its climax at the exact moment when the European system of nation-states and its precarious balance of power crashed." ... Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. This perplexing consequence came fully to light as soon as equality was no longer seen in terms of an omnipotent being like God or an unavoidable common destiny like death. But far beyond the boundaries within which race-thinking and class-thinking have developed into obligatory patterns of thought, free public opinion has adopted them to such an extent that not only intellectuals but great masses of people will no longer accept a presentation of past or present facts that is not in agreement with either of these views.”, “The truth is that the masses grew out of the fragments of a highly atomized society whose competitive structure and concomitant loneliness of the individual had been held in check only through membership in a class. Saada contests that there is little evidence to support that ideas like those of Arthur de Gobineau, whom Arendt explicitly mentions, hold an important place in the scientific justification of European colonialism. [10] In particular, Arendt traces the social movement of the Jewry in Europe since their emancipation by the French edict of 1792, and their special role in supporting and maintaining the nation-state, while failing to assimilate into the European class society .